Thursday, October 28, 2010

FIRE AT WESTFIELD GALLERIA MALL IN ROSEVILLE RULED ARSON

http://www.atf.gov/press/releases/2010/10/102710-sf-westfield-galleria-mall-fire-ruled-arson.html

For Immediate Release

October 27, 2010

www.atf.gov

Contact: Helen Dunkel, Special Agent, PIO
Office: (925) 557-2815
Cell: (925) 202-8135
Helen.dunkel@atf.gov

FIRE AT WESTFIELD GALLERIA MALL IN ROSEVILLE RULED ARSON

ROSEVILLE, Calif. — Fire investigators from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF), the Roseville Fire Department and the Roseville Police Department (PD) announced today that the Oct 21 fire at the Westfield Galleria Mall was an act of arson. The incendiary blaze caused at least $55 million dollars of damage. While there is sufficient physical evidence to support this determination, the specific details of the evidence will not be released while the investigation continues.

Stephen C. Herkins, ATF Special Agent in Charge of the San Francisco Field Division, said Arson is an act of violence. ATF is at the frontline combating violent crime and we are committed to completing a thorough investigation with our law enforcement partners.

Roseville Police Chief Mike Blair stated, I appreciate the quick response from ATF to assist in this complex fire investigation. I am pleased with the collaboration of ATF, Roseville PD and the Roseville Fire Department during this investigation. I am thankful that we had ATF’s expertise and resources to help with the processing of the crime scene.

I commend the investigation team for their tireless efforts in completing their work. This has been a collaborative effort between the ATF and the City of Roseville. I appreciate the significant assistance ATF has provided, stated Roseville Fire Chief Ken Wagner.

The ATF National Response Team (NRT) comprised of special agents from across the country, responded to the scene to work alongside local fire and police investigators. The NRT includes a canine team, forensic chemists, origin and cause specialists, fire engineers, and additional specialized personnel. This was the second activation of Fiscal Year 2011 and the 710th activation since the inception of the team in 1978.

ATF is the federal agency with jurisdiction for investigating fires and crimes of arson. More information on ATF can be found at www.atf.gov.

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Tuesday, October 26, 2010

ATF agent’s murder trial filled with drama

http://virginislandsdailynews.com/news/atf-agent-s-murder-trial-filled-with-drama-1.1054160

ATF agent’s murder trial filled with drama


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ST. THOMAS — The prosecution said William Clark intentionally used unreasonable force; the defense said he shot his neighbor Marcus Sukow to death in an act of self-defense.

Those were the theories advanced by each side to the 11 women and five men on the jury, which was empaneled Monday, about the events that resulted in Clark shooting Sukow five times, killing him.

Clark, 35, an agent of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, is standing trial on charges of second-degree murder, voluntary manslaughter and using a dangerous weapon during the commission of a crime of violence, all stemming from the fatal shooting death of Sukow, 44, at the Mahogany Run condominiums.

Clark’s trial, which is being monitored closely by law enforcement officers nationwide, elected officials and media around the country, got under way Monday — after being rescheduled three times — with jury selection, followed two hours later by opening statements.

The prosecution

The prosecution team of Assistant V.I. Attorney General Claude Walker and Assistant V.I. Attorney General Douglas Sprotte theorized that Clark shot Sukow once in the back and four times in the chest while Sukow was carrying only a flashlight, cigarettes and a lighter.

Walker, the lead prosecutor, spent more than 20 minutes outlining to the jurors his version of what occurred the morning when Sukow was shot in the presence of his girlfriend, Marguerite “Margie” Duncan.

“Above the law, above the law, that’s what this case is all about,” Walker said. “The defendant came here from the states as a federal agent, and he killed a man named Marcus Sukow by shooting him — not once, not twice, not three times, he shot Marcus Sukow five times. Even in his back,`` he shot him. How could that happen? How that could be?”

Clark was transferred to the ATF field office in St. Thomas in April 2008; he fatally shot Sukow on Sept. 7, 2008.

Sukow and Duncan went to Molly Malone’s for brunch, as they customarily did on Sundays. After brunch, they planned to go to Magens Bay Beach, as also was the norm for them on Sundays, the day that they usually spent a lot of time together doing what they liked, according to Walker.

At Molly Malone’s, Sukow and Duncan had an American-style brunch — Duncan had two mimosas and Sukow had several beers. That day, Sukow was drunk.

After brunch, the couple returned to Mahogany Run to get ready to go to the beach, Walker said. When they got back to their unit, the two became embroiled in an argument about their relationship — Sukow raised the possibility of getting married, but Duncan, a recent divorcee, did not want to have that conversation. Sukow became angry, and he got loud; Duncan decided to go out and get a Sunday newspaper and give Sukow time to cool off, Walker said.

“She left the condo; Marcus followed her. She goes into her vehicle; Marcus is still loud and drunk,” Walker said.

A neighbor, Henry Carr, came out to do his exercises and heard Sukow being loud while Duncan was in her car, but he did not intervene; instead, he went over to one side to do his stretches, Walker said.

Clark came out of his condo and also heard the ruckus, Walker said. Clark asked Duncan whether she was okay, and she told him she was fine, Walker said. Clark asked Sukow whether he was okay, and Sukow told him to mind his own business, according to Walker.

Duncan saw Clark getting into his vehicle and asked him for a ride to the guard house to get the paper, and he agreed to give her the ride, Walker said. When Sukow saw Duncan in Clark’s vehicle, he called on Clark to let Duncan out of the vehicle. While holding a flashlight that he had retrieved from his car to take upstairs to use during brown-outs, Sukow approached Clark on the driver’s side, where the door still open, according to Walker.

At this point, Sukow had not physically assaulted or threatened anyone, Walker said.

“The defendant has a black bag. He unzips the black bag, pulls out a five-shot revolver, he points the gun at Marcus, who had his cigarette, his lighter and a flashlight,” Walker said. “Marcus backs away to the side of the defendant’s vehicle with his hands to his side, and said to him, ‘Are you going to shoot me?’ At that point, the defendant empties his gun on Marcus, shooting him once in the back and four times in the chest.”

The prosecution intends to rely on the testimony of Duncan, Carr and Rolando Smith, the security guard at the condominiums, as well as several other witnesses to prove its case.

“Yes, he was drunk. The evidence will show there were many options available to deal with the situation. To shoot Marcus or to even show the gun was uncalled for,” Walker said. “The defendant is in his car with the ability to drive off or back away, but he intentionally uses unreasonable force. I submit to you that when you get this case, you’ll find the defendant guilty of murder. No one is above the law in the Virgin Islands, no matter who you are,” Walker said.

The defense

In a dramatic presentation, defense attorney Vincent Cohen presented a starkly different account of that morning’s events, leading jurors to picture Sukow as an extremely intoxicated and large man waving around a flashlight menacingly.

“Marcus Sukow was big, weighed more than 260 pounds. Marcus Sukow’s blood alcohol level was .29, three times the legal driving limit. He was drunk, angry and out of control; that’s what the evidence is going to show,” Cohen said.

Cohen told the jury that the version of events recited by the prosecution was Duncan’s “made-up story that changes every single time she talks to someone.”

On the morning of Sept. 7, 2008, Clark showered, had breakfast and was on his way to the gym when he got caught in the web of Sukow’s and Duncan’s danger, madness and domestic violence, Cohen said. Within moments, Clark went from going to the gym to helping Duncan, because she was crying and pleading for help, to being forced to defend himself when he was being attacked by Sukow, according to Cohen.

Finding himself in the middle of disputes between Sukow and Duncan was nothing new for Clark, Cohen said. On previous occasions, Clark had been able to quell the disturbance and separate the couple, but that didn’t work on Sept. 7, 2008, Cohen said.

When Clark came out of his apartment that morning on his way to the gym, he encountered Duncan, who begged Clark to help her, Cohen said. Clark saw Sukow standing outside naked, pounding Duncan’s car with his fist, yelling, screaming and cursing with a flashlight in his hand, Cohen said. Clark put his gym bag, which contained his gun, inside his truck and locked the vehicle, Cohen said.

“Things began to spiral out of control,” Cohen said. Sukow was “out there naked for a while; he finally goes inside to put some shorts on. He was talking to Agent Clark, ‘ ----- you want a piece of me? I know you, big boy Will, and I’m going to give you a country ass-kicking. I’ve got a gun in there and I’m gonna blow this ------ head off,’’’ Cohen said Sukow told Clark.

Sukow also was throwing landscape rocks at Duncan’s car, and whenever Clark tried to calm him down, Sukow became more agitated, Cohen said.

Clark told Duncan to get in the car and leave, which she did, and when Clark got into his truck, Sukow went to his car and got a flashlight, Cohen said.

To demonstrate, Cohen borrowed a long, black flashlight from a court marshal.

“He never held it like this,” Cohen said, flicking on the flashlight and pointing it forward, “but like this, as a weapon,” he said, waving the flashlight in the air.

“He came with the flashlight and started banging on Margie Duncan’s car, creating dents in the hood of her car. Agent Clark saw that. If Marcus Sukow could take this and put dents in her car, he knew what this could do with his or anyone else’s head,” Cohen said.

Sukow also walked into the area where Carr and Smith were, and wielding the flashlight as a weapon, he hurled racial slurs at Carr, Cohen said.

While he was doing that, Duncan, who was scared, jumped into Clark’s car, where Clark was sitting with the door open, one foot inside the vehicle and the other foot on the ground, Cohen said.

Sukow then became more upset when he saw Duncan in Clark’s vehicle, Cohen said, and holding the flashlight, Sukow went over to Clark, and told him to let Duncan out of the car, according to Cohen.

“Agent Clark is sitting in his car as Marcus Sukow is coming toward him. Agent Clark defends himself, not because he wants to, but because he has to. You’ll learn that they’re pretty close when Agent Clark reaches back and pulls his gun and fires his weapon,” Cohen told the jury. “You’ll learn that when Agent Clark fired, Marcus Sukow was pretty close. He wasn’t counting; he didn’t even know whether he hit him or not. Marcus Sukow was inside the doorway of Agent Clark’s car, so when Agent Clark is firing, he’s firing not knowing how many times he hit him or if he hit him because there was no noise, no screaming, he didn’t drop to the ground. When the shots went off, Marcus Sukow was still standing in front of Agent Clark.”

Cohen said Sukow was not shot in the back, but in the front when he turned to raise the flashlight like a weapon.

“Agent Clark was forced to protect his own life, and that’s what he did. When you hear all the evidence in this case, you will know Agent Clark is not guilty of murder, he was not trying to kill Marcus Sukow,” Cohen said. “We’ll ask you to come back with the only true and just verdict in this, and that will be not guilty.”

Clark is a 13-year veteran federal agent, with four years working for U.S. Customs and Border Protection and nine years for the ATF.

Attorneys Kerry Drue and Mark Schamel also are on the defense team in Clark’s trial, which continues today with the prosecution presenting its case.

Thursday, October 21, 2010

Waco and Ruby Ridge: The real story


The Washington Times

September 13, 1995, Wednesday, Final Edition

Waco and Ruby Ridge: The real story

BYLINE: James Simpson

SECTION: Part A; COMMENTARY; OP-ED; Pg. A21

LENGTH: 1073 words



To the extent the Waco and Ruby Ridge hearings have identified flawed procedures and problem agents and supervisors, they have been illuminating and beneficial. These tragedies, however, are only the most egregious examples of an increasingly widespread pattern of federal law enforcement abuse of U.S. citizens, whose crimes, if any, have not warranted the massive force leveled against them. Instead of simply asking what happened at Waco and Ruby Ridge, congressmen must ask what underlying factors have created this atmosphere for abuse and then take steps to change them.

Because of its limited and controversial mission, ATF has always struggled for its place in the federal law enforcement community and has seldom received the generous budgetary treatment lavished on the FBI and other law enforcement agencies. Almost disbanded by the Reagan administration, the agency fought tooth and nail throughout the 1980s to regain legitimacy. ATF's subordinate status in large part explains its decision to carry out the now famous Waco raid. They were desperate to be recognized.



With the election of an anti-gun president in 1992 and a democratic majority still reigning in both houses, ATF saw an unprecedented opportunity. By conducting a dramatic, successful raid against "child molesting gun nuts" the agency hoped to gain a public relations coup that would bring it long-sought recognition (and bigger budgets) in one fell swoop.

The trouble is, this kind of political calculus is not atypical. Federal agencies are given their mission through congressionally enacted legislation. An agency's success at this mission is evaluated every year in appropriations hearings and rewarded or punished accordingly. Agencies thus gear their activities to have the highest impact in budget deliberations and mold them to harmonize as much as possible with the political philosophies of their congressional paymasters.

Conservatives have called for the dissolution of ATF. It should be obvious this is not the answer. The enabling legislation for the firearms enforcement mission of ATF is primarily the 1935 National Firearms Act and the 1968 Gun Control Act. Disbanding ATF will not remove these enforcement authorities from the books and as long as they exist, some entity will have to enforce them.

The answer is not transferring legislative authority somewhere else for some other agency to abuse. The answer is rewriting the legislation. The problem is that gun laws focusing on technical aspects of gun ownership, such as weapon configuration (e.g., a semi-automatic weapons ban) or registration (e.g. the Brady Bill) create an inherent potential for abuse of ordinary citizens.

Most field agents want to go after criminals, but to win in the budget process, managers want statistical results. The number of arrests is much more important than the quality of arrests - big numbers impress members of Congress. Furthermore, the national media and the Washington political class, including most Democrats on the appropriations committees, are hostile to gun owners. Among liberals, targeting gun owners is even politically chic; and younger agents increasingly reflect the liberal bias of criminal justice programs at American universities. Finally, law enforcement is increasingly frustrated by the legal system's road blocks to prosecuting real criminals. All these factors conspire to make gun owners an easy target for hostile law enforcement action, regardless of which agency has the mission.

Recently passed gun control legislation - the Brady Bill and the misnamed "Assault Weapons" ban - goes even further to ensure that more law-abiding citizens will be targeted. For example, by leaving the definition of "assault weapon" deliberately vague, the ban gave ATF latitude to make huge segments of the population felons overnight, simply by making definitional changes to the regulations.

The only way to effectively remove incentives for abuse is to acknowledge the futility of gun laws that focus on the weapon rather than on criminal behavior. It is widely recognized by law enforcement (even ATF) that few crimes are committed with legally obtained firearms and few criminals pay attention to firearms laws. In fact the opposite is true; criminals deliberately avoid the legal system. There is a black market in firearms that easily circumvents the best efforts of law enforcement and always will. The correct answer is punishment of criminal behavior.

For example, the 1984 Armed Career Criminal statutes impose stiff penalties on career criminals for possession or use of firearms in commission of crime. ATF created the "Achilles" program to take advantage of these statutes. Since the mid-1980s, the agency has locked away thousands of hardened criminals for long fixed sentences. The program was so successful it motivated the Justice Department to initiate a sister program known as "Triggerlock".

I am no opponent of federal law enforcement. I have met many ATF agents and do not think the vast majority are "storm troopers" or even incompetent. While there are obviously bad apples, most simply do their job. When focused in the right direction, as with "Achilles," ATF has been very effective.

The only way to insure agents do the job right is to give them the right job to do. This is where Congress bears the ultimate responsibility, and they can do a number of things:

* Revise laws governing federal employment to give managers greater latitude in dealing with problem employees.

* Repeal the Brady Bill and Assault Weapons Ban.

* Repeal or at least rewrite the 1968 Gun Control Act and the National Firearms Act.

* Strengthen statutes that punish criminal use of firearms and remove procedural roadblocks to swift and effective prosecution.

This Congress should bite the bullet and reform the gun laws so that they focus on criminal behavior, rather than serving to demonize gun owners, as they do now. If they don't, Waco andRuby Ridge will be just the beginning.

James Simpson, an Arlington businessman, is a former analyst at the Office of Management and Budget. From 1990 to 1993, he oversaw the budget for the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms and other Treasury law enforcement agencies.


4 Agents Killed, 16 Hurt in Raid on Cult; Standoff Ensues at Texas Site

The Washington Post

March 1, 1993, Monday, Final Edition

4 Agents Killed, 16 Hurt in Raid on Cult;
Standoff Ensues at Texas Site


BYLINE: Joan Biskupic, Pierre G. Thomas, Washington Post Staff Writers

SECTION: FIRST SECTION; PAGE A1

LENGTH: 1744 words



Four federal agents were killed and 16 other agents were injured yesterday during a gun battle that erupted when more than 100 law enforcement officers began a long-planned raid on the compound of a heavily armed religious cult near Waco, Tex.

After a morning firefight, which witnesses said lasted between 30 and 45 minutes, the federal agents negotiated a cease-fire with the cult members, enabling the government officers to remove the dead and wounded agents from the compound.

In the evening, a second gunfight broke out as three men from the sect apparently fired on three agents at a police observation post near the compound. A federal official said one member of the sect was killed, a second was wounded, and a third was taken prisoner by police. A 2-year-old child also was dead inside the compound, according to the sect's leader.



The standoff continued early this morning as federal and local police officers ringed the 77-acre headquarters of the religious cult, which calls itself the Branch Davidians. Federal agents told reporters they would negotiate with the cult members for as long as possible but did not rule out further use of force.

Several hundred federal and local police were on the scene and federal officials described negotiations as "difficult."

In a telephone interview last night broadcast live on CNN, the group's leader, Vernon Howell, who began calling himself David Koresh two years ago, said he and several other adults had been wounded. He later told a Dallas radio station, "I'm bleeding bad."

In a rambling telephone conversation begun by Howell with CNN amid the standoff, the cult leader said he would begin releasing children two at a time if a local radio station played his religious message. Howell, said to believe he is Jesus Christ, suggested in the CNN conversation that he thinks he has unique knowledge to interpret the Bible, especially the Book of Revelation.

Late last night, Howell began permitting children to leave the compound. Among them was a little boy in a cowboy hat who waved to police and reporters watching as a caravan of eight vehicles moved down a gravel road away from the property in a pouring rain. Some older people were in other cars.

Howell, in a shaking voice, had told a Waco radio station he was resting on blankets soaked with blood from wounds to his abdomen and arm. He said he wanted to release the children last night so his grandchildren could spread the gospel.

Officials said they believed Howell had released eight children by midnight, when a convoy of 11 police vehicles headed up the gravel road toward the compound. One person in the convoy identified the group as a hostage negotiating team from Austin. The team was equipped with radios and was towing several spotlights.

By 1 a.m. today, another 11 vehicles, some stenciled "SWAT" for special weapons and tactics, had joined the negotiating team.

The first shootout started sometime after 9 a.m. yesterday, when about 100 officers -- agents of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (ATF) and local police forces -- were preparing to raid the compound. They intended to arrest heavily armed members of the Branch Davidians, a religious group that split from the Seventh-Day Adventist Church more than 60 years ago.

Federal agents were using helicopters to back up the group assault on the fortified cluster of buildings, a raid that had been planned for months, officials said. "As soon as they saw us, they opened fire," said Ted Royster, ATF agent in charge. Royster said it appeared that members were "waiting for us." But Howell said in the television interview that agents fired on church members first.

Two of the agents were killed on the roof of the main building during the assault and one was killed on the ground. ATF officials said they did not know where the fourth was killed.

An ATF spokesman said the agents intended to arrest Howell for illegal possession of fully automatic firearms and explosive devices. The agents also had a warrant to search for military-style assault rifles, machine guns, grenades and parts of explosive devices.

On Saturday, the Waco Tribune-Herald began a seven-part series of articles about Howell and his followers, reporting that they had stockpiled a large arsenal of high-powered weapons and that Howell and others had sexually abused members' children. The newspaper said Howell had claimed to have at least 15 wives.

Although Howell was quoted as denying various charges, he also said, "We're doing what we're doing, and nobody's going to stop us." Howell, 33, also reportedly said, "If the Bible is true, then I'm Christ. But so what? Look at 2,000 years ago. What's so great about being Christ? A man nailed to the cross . . . ."

At least 75 men, women and children lived at the camp about 10 miles northeast of Waco in an area known as Mount Carmel, although Howell said in the CNN interview that there were far more than 75 in the compound.

Federal officials had planned a surprise attack to occur just after cult members broke from a Sunday morning service, when the men moved, without weapons, to various locations on the compound to do chores.

But as agents approached the entrance of the multi-storied compound, which has a watchtower, they immediately came under fire.

One of the ATF officials said that the cult members apparently had been tipped to the strategy, which was based on a months-long investigation of the cult and its compound. Howell told CNN he indeed had known the agents were coming to arrest him.

"They came under heavy and sustained firepower for over half an hour," said ATF spokesman John C. Killorin. "We were literally trying to move into position when they opened fire."

Reporters near the scene at the time said the agents had parked their vehicles right in front of the main building and were trying to get in a front gate when the shooting started.

A high-level ATF source said law enforcement officials had ruled out ringing the compound from a distance in favor of the direct assault that resulted in the four deaths and many wounded.

"The difficulty in this operation is that the group posed a threat not only to the community but also to themselves," the ATF official said, adding that if agents set up a good distance from the facility, Howell's followers might kill themselves, as happened in the 1978 Jonestown massacre in the tiny South American nation of Guyana. Nearly 1,000 followers of the Rev. Jim Jones died after drinking poison or were murdered by fellow adherents. The mass suicide occurred after a group investigating Jonestown led by Rep. Leo Ryan (D-Calif.) was attacked by some of Jones's lieutenants. Several, including Ryan, were killed.

About a half an hour into the morning firefight, agents were able to establish contact with the cult leaders and negotiated the cease-fire.

Rick Bradfield, news director at the local television station, KWTX-TV, said one of the station's reporters used his Ford Bronco to drive "four or five wounded agents out from the area. One was on the hood, some hanging onto the back bumper."

Ambulances were coming and going, he said. Hospitals reported that they had called in all levels of personnel to deal with the carnage and the local Red Cross was seeking blood donors.

Two agents were pronounced dead upon arrival at Hillcrest Baptist Medical Center. Another agent died at the hospital. The fourth agent was taken to and died at Providence Hospital. Other officers were being treated at both hospitals for large-caliber gunshot wounds.

The ATF last night identified the dead agents as Steve Willis, 32, of Houston; Robert J. Williams, 26, of Little Rock, Ark.; and Conway LaBleu, 30, and Todd McKeehan, 28, both of New Orleans.

The second confrontation began about 6 p.m. when sect members emerged from a building, headed toward the agents and began firing, according to ATF officials. They said agents returned fire, killing one sect member, wounding another and capturing the third.

When Howell made his phone call to CNN about two hours later, he did not mention the incident. He quoted heavily from scripture and refused to answer specific questions about what was going on inside the buildings.

In describing the morning assault, he said, "They started firing at me . . . . I fell back in the doorway and we started firing back at them."

Howell also said that the several adults who were wounded did not want to leave his company.

"Nobody wants to listen to my doctrine," he said of outsiders.

The Branch Davidians were founded in California about 60 years ago and moved in 1935 to Waco. The Texas community of 160,000 people is the home of Baylor University, run by Southern Baptists.

Howell, who joined the Branch Davidians in 1980, took control in 1987.

The sect's violent ways have made news before. In 1987, several of its members got into a gun brawl over its leadership. Howell and seven other cult members were accused of attempted murder. The seven reportedly were acquitted; charges against Howell were dismissed after a mistrial.

Several months ago, ATF received information that the Branch Davidians were accumulating machine guns and explosives, ATF officials said. The general public is prohibited from possessing automatic weapons.

ATF officials said they prepared for yesterday's raid after receiving additional information about the level of stockpiling at the compound and hearing that Howell and others were making inflammatory statements. The officials also said they thought the group might take action after the newspaper series started because they heard the articles would be critical of the sect. One source said the raid had been scheduled for today but was moved up 24 hours at the last minute.

Bob Lott, editor of the Waco Tribune-Herald, said yesterday that about a month ago an ATF official had asked the newspaper to delay publication of the series. "We waited about a month for other considerations, but we also listened to their concerns." Lott said.

"I don't believe the publication of the series was the stimulus," Lott said in a telephone interview. In a prepared statement he had said, "After several days of careful consideration at the newspaper, we decided it was time to let the public know of this menace just outside our city."

Staff writer Mary Jordan and special correspondents Michael Williamson and Erin Redmond contributed to this report from Waco.

Mexico held hostage

Publication Logo
The Washington Post

August 1, 2010 Sunday
Regional Edition

Mexico held hostage

BYLINE: David Ignatius

SECTION: EDITORIAL COPY; Pg. A19

LENGTH: 756 words

How can it be possible that after 18 months in office, President Obama

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still has not appointed a director for the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, the federal agency charged with monitoring illegal flows of weapons? We know the answer. The administration and Congress are scared of the gun lobby.

It's the kind of situation that makes you wonder if good governance has taken a holiday: Mexico is reeling from a drug-cartel insurgency that is armed mainly with weapons acquired in the United States; Arizona is so frightened about drug violence and other imagined Mexican dangers that its legislature enacted an anti-immigrant law that a federal judge says is unconstitutional.

Naming a new ATF chief to lead the fight against illegal weapons would be a small symbolic step. But it would signal to Mexicans and Arizonans alike that the administration is mobilizing to deal with these problems -- and is willing to take some political heat in the process. Yet this is not the season for "Profiles in Courage." When I queried the White House about the ATF vacancy, I got little more than a "no comment."

"The absence of a chief has hamstrung ATF's ability to aggressively target gun trafficking rings or corrupt firearms dealers and has demoralized its agents," Paul Helmke, president of the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence, wrote in a June 10 letter to Obama.

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Obama. -Search using:Nearly two months later, the job is still empty, and there are no leading candidates.

The numbers about weapons flows to Mexico are genuinely scary. From December 2006 through this past April, the Mexican government seized 31,946 handguns and 41,093 assault rifles. Of the weapons that could be traced, roughly 80 percent came from the United States, according to Mexican ambassador Arturo Sarukhan.

"Intelligence indicates these criminal organizations have tasked their money-laundering, distribution and transportation infrastructures with reaching into the United States to acquire firearms and ammunition," warned a 2008 ATF statement. There are roughly 7,000 U.S. gun dealers within 100 miles of the Mexican border.

A recent weapons seizure in Nuevo Leon, just across the border from Texas, illustrates the drug traffickers' arsenals. On May 11, after an armed confrontation, the Mexican army seized 124 assault rifles, 15 handguns, three anti-tank rockets, more than 5,000 rounds of ammunition and 1,375 ammo magazines.

Terry Goddard (D), Arizona's attorney general, risked his political career to work with the ATF. He promised Mexican officials in 2008 that he would try to crack the arms flows. And with help from both the ATF and Mexican authorities, Goddard's prosecutors brought a criminal case in May 2008 against X-Caliber Guns, a Phoenix gun dealer that was allegedly providing weapons used by the Mexican cartels.

Goddard's complaint alleged that X-Caliber had sold more than 700 AK-47s and other deadly weapons to straw buyers who planned to ship them to Mexican syndicates. "The important part of this case is the number of weapons that ended up at crime scenes in Mexico," Goddard said when the trial opened.

But as it turned out, the X-Caliber case showed that with Arizona's weak gun laws, prosecution was almost impossible -- even when there appeared to be strong facts. X-Caliber's owner had sold guns toATF undercover agents after they told him they planned to resell the guns in Mexico.

An Arizona judge threw out the case days after it opened, ruling that the owner of X-Caliber and the other defendants hadn't done anything criminal. "There is no proof whatsoever that any prohibited possessor ended up with the firearms," the judge said.

And what did Goddard get for his efforts to stop what the ATF calls "an iron river of guns" into Mexico? After the case was thrown out, the owner of X-Caliber sued him for malicious prosecution. Goddard is now running for governor, challenging the anti-immigrant stance of Gov. Jan Brewer (R), but recent polls show him a distant second, trailing by about 20 points.

The prevailing political wisdom in America, to which the Obama

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Obama -Search using:administration evidently subscribes, is that it's folly to challenge the gun lobby. When Mexico's President Felipe CalderÃ3n addressed a joint session of Congress in May, he all but pleaded with lawmakers to help stop the flow of assault weapons. His call to action produced little more than a shrug of the shoulders in Washington. That ought to make us embarrassed. But the worst of it is that inaction on these issues has come to seem normal.

FBI, ATF Battle for Control Of Cases; Cooperation Lags Despite Merger

Publication Logo
The Washington Post

May 10, 2008 Saturday
Met 2 Edition

FBI, ATF Battle for Control Of Cases;
Cooperation Lags Despite Merger


BYLINE: Jerry Markon; Washington Post Staff Writer

SECTION: A-SECTION; Pg. A01

LENGTH: 3084 words

In the five years since the FBI and ATF were merged under the Justice Department to coordinate the fight against terrorism, the rival law enforcement agencies have fought each other for control, wasting time and money and causing duplication of effort, according to law enforcement sources and internal documents.

Their new boss, the attorney general, ordered them to merge their national bomb databases, but the FBI has refused. The Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives has long trained bomb-sniffing dogs; the FBI started a competing program.

At crime scenes, FBI and ATF agents have threatened to arrest one another and battled over jurisdiction and key evidence. The ATF inadvertently bought counterfeit cigarettes from the FBI -- the government selling to the government -- because the agencies are running parallel investigations of tobacco smuggling between Virginia and other states.

The squabbling poses dangers, many in law enforcement say, in an era in which cooperation is needed more than ever to prevent another terrorist attack on U.S. soil. Michael A. Mason, a former head of the FBI's Washington field office who retired in December from a senior post at FBI headquarters, said outside intervention might be needed.

"A lot of these things require a little adult supervision from the Justice Department or Congress, which will resolve a lot of the food fights these two agencies find themselves in," he said. Mason said that although both agencies "have in their hearts the safety and security of this country," he worries about a potential attack "where the ball got dropped, and it's not going to matter whose fault it was because information wasn't passed or shared."

The ATF's transfer from the Treasury Department to the FBI's home at Justice after the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks was supposed to eliminate long-standing tensions between two proud and independent entities,

"We thought we'd get more cooperation from two agencies that ought to be cooperating in the war on terror," Sen. Charles E. Grassley (R-Iowa) said of the 2002 law that created the Department of Homeland Security and authorized the merger.

But the transfer, thrown together in the final stages of the largest government reorganization in a half-century, proved to be a merger in name only. The ATF came under the Justice Department seal yet maintained its offices and headquarters. Little thought went into melding the distinctive cultures.

"It was all slapdash," said a Justice Department official who spoke on condition of anonymity because he is not an authorized spokesman. "One day you wake up, and ATF is part of Justice."

The new law not only failed to repair clashing jurisdictional lines, it also expanded the ATF's role in domestic terrorism cases, bringing that agency into conflict with the core mission of the post-Sept. 11 FBI.

Officials from both agencies acknowledged occasional tensions and said they are working hard to protect Americans and ensure smooth relations. They provided numerous examples of cooperation, including the response to bombings in Iraq, the recovery efforts after Hurricane Katrina and the investigation of the Virginia Tech massacre led by state and university police.

But law enforcement sources describe an unyielding struggle for control of explosives, arson and tobacco investigations that has played out in recent months at the government's highest levels. A dispute over the ATF's role in explosives cases, sources said, has helped delay a White House-ordered national strategy to protect the nation from terrorist bombs.

"Everything that we're doing, they're doing," said an ATF agent not authorized to comment. "It's just a constant battle."

'Sour Relationship'

More than 30 ATF agents arrived at the smoldering Pentagon the day after Sept. 11, 2001, to help with the largest criminal investigation in the nation's history. The FBI commander threw them off the site.

Although Arlington County had authority over the scene for the first 10 days after the attacks, the two federal agencies fought over who would take the eventual lead in the investigation, recalled Arlington Fire Chief James H. Schwartz, the incident commander.

The ATF backed down, but before assuming control, the FBI again excluded some ATF agents from the site. Several frustrated ATF agents cut a fence to get closer and were ejected by U.S. marshals, Schwartz said.

"The American people are not being best served by this sour relationship and by the lack of efficiency," Schwartz said. "I think there's a huge risk there, especially when you look at it through the lens of terrorism."

ATF spokesman Robert Browning said ATF commanders told him the fence incident did not happen.

The clash at the Pentagon laid bare problems between the two agencies that had been brewing for years.

The ATF, which now has about 2,500 agents, was historically part of the Treasury Department -- it became an independent agency within Treasury in 1972 -- because it collected tobacco and liquor taxes. It has gradually acquired jurisdiction over firearms, explosives and other related crimes.

The FBI, which has more than 12,000 agents, has prided itself on fighting violent crime since the 1930s.

The competition between the FBI and ATF bred mutual suspicion. ATF agents, many of whom are former police or military officers, have long resented their FBI colleagues, who until the mid-1990s were usually higher paid.

"We fashion ourselves as federal street cops, and we don't try to make things larger than they are," said one ATF agent. "Their job is to see a bigger picture, a global connection."

As Congress debated the Homeland Security Act of 2002, an FBI memo surfaced that hinted at problems to come. It derided ATF agents as poorly trained and lacking "strategic vision." Although it was discounted by FBI Director Robert S. Mueller III, many in the ATF were outraged.

The new law turned the rivals into Justice Department siblings but might have deepened their estrangement.

It is unclear who conceived the transfer, but then-ATF Director Bradley A. Buckles recalled that the Justice Department "seemed like a natural home for us" because the ATF had become primarily a law enforcement agency.

Grassley saw a way to heighten collaboration against terrorism. "I was well aware of the conflict between ATF and FBI, but I thought it would all be put to the side once they got under the same department," he said.

The Bush administration's first proposal left the ATF in the Treasury Department. What ensued was "a mad scramble," Buckles said. "We were just a loose piece that they hadn't figured out what to do with."

With little fanfare, the final bill transferred the ATF's law enforcement functions to Justice while leaving tax-collecting employees at Treasury. But the agents who became part of the Justice Department on Jan. 24, 2003, didn't really move at all. Their supervisors stayed the same, as did their work.

A few things did change. Congress added the word "explosives" to the name of the ATF, which had been the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms.

And the law spelled out that in addition to violent crime, the ATF could investigate acts of "domestic terrorism."

Less than two months later, in March 2003, a North Carolina farmer drove his tractor into a pond on the Mall, keeping police at bay for 47 hours as he threatened to set off bombs. The FBI and ATF both asserted jurisdiction, even though the U.S. Park Police was the lead agency, sources said.

It was becoming clear that the lack of planning would have consequences. Who would control explosives cases? How involved would the ATF be in fighting terrorism? When is a bombing considered terrorism?

Within days of the tractor episode, the ATF fired a shot in a long series of battles at Justice Department headquarters, documents show. Emboldened by its new name, the ATF sought to become the department's primary responder to all of the nation's estimated 3,500 annual explosives incidents and to coordinate the on-scene investigation even for domestic terrorism.

The FBI, which had always taken the lead on terrorism, fought back. Other disputes flared: Who would train bomb-sniffing dogs and bomb squads, and what would be done about competing ATF-FBI "bomb data centers" -- vast databases used in explosives investigations?

An August 2004 memo from then-Attorney General John D. Ashcroft decreed that the bomb data centers and most explosives training would be consolidated under the ATF and that the agency would train all Justice Department bomb-sniffing dogs.

On the core issue of explosives, Ashcroft said that if a bombing was terrorist-related, the FBI-led Joint Terrorism Task Force for that area would control the investigation. If it was not, theATF would take charge, unless the case involved areas such as civil rights that are traditional FBI turf.

The memo left it up to the task forces to determine terrorist links. In practice, it has meant that both agencies descend on the same crime scenes, often at the same time.

Arguments Still Flare

FBI agents arrived first in December 2004 after fires devastated a Charles County subdivision, built near an ecologically sensitive bog, in Maryland's biggest residential arson case in memory. The FBI pushed to declare it eco-terrorism, sources said.

ATF agents thought the FBI, seeking to take the lead in the case, was reaching a hasty conclusion before fully examining the evidence. There were shouting matches at the scene, slowing the investigation, sources said. "There were definitely some issues," said Maryland Deputy State Fire Marshal Joseph Zurolo.

Five men were ultimately convicted of setting the fires, and eco-terrorism was ruled out. The arson disputes have persisted. Sources said arguments in similar fires have flared more than a dozen times across the country in recent years.

Sometimes, the integrity of key evidence is put at risk. When letters containing flammable match devices were mailed to state governors in late 2004, the ATF-FBI battle over lead agency status grew so contentious that it reached the deputy attorney general's office in Washington. Because the ATF could not prove that the act was not terrorism, sources said, officials sided with the FBI.

The ATF then had to move evidence from its lab to the FBI lab -- in the middle of the analysis. FBI officials said they thought their lab was better positioned to glean hair and fiber evidence. The case has never been solved.

Justice Department intervention was also needed after an explosion at a Texas apartment complex in July 2006 killed a 21-year-old man. ATF and FBI agents responded.

Terrorism was again the flash point. FBI agents asserted jurisdiction in part because the device was a peroxide-based explosive, a popular weapon for terrorists worldwide. ATF agents believed there was no terrorist link. The U.S. attorney's office in Houston backed the FBI.

According to an internal ATF incident report, the FBI refused to allow the ATF to continue assisting in the probe. FBI agents then threatened to arrest their ATF counterparts if they remained at the scene, sources said. The roommate of the dead man pleaded guilty to a federal explosives charge and will be sentenced next month.

The federal fighting frustrates local police and firefighters, who are usually the first responders. They describe tense crime scenes in which FBI and ATF agents stand on opposite sides of the street.

"If you're working with one agency, you have to walk on eggshells if you mention the other," said Jeff Kirk, former commander of the Kokomo, Ind., police bomb squad, who has written to Congress about the issue. "Frankly, after all these years, I'm really tired of this alphabet soup fight."

As agents battled in Texas, clashes escalated in Washington. The FBI was resisting Ashcroft's directive to consolidate the bomb databases and most explosives training under the ATF. Ashcroft, who left the Justice Department in 2005, declined to comment. Deputy Attorney General Mark R. Filip would not address the Ashcroft memo but said in a statement that the FBI and ATF "have worked together to build a unified law enforcement response to threats presented by criminals and would-be terrorists. . . . We at the Department expect that."

The FBI responded to Ashcroft's order by saying, "Are you kidding?" a former high-level Justice Department official said. "They couldn't digest it, couldn't accept the notion that their terrorism responsibilities would still be fulfilled and yet they wouldn't have responsibility or control over these certain things. . . . These are very hot and deep-seated conflicts."

FBI officials have not transferred to the ATF the bomb data center they have operated since 1972, saying it analyzes key terrorism intelligence. "Such a shift . . . would seriously impede the FBI's counterterrorism efforts," the bureau argued in a position paper circulated at the Justice Department's highest levels in early 2007.

The paper criticized the ATF for "marketing efforts" promoting the ATF's role in fighting international terrorism.

The Justice Department's inspector general has called the databases duplicative -- the ATF's dates to 1975 -- but local police often feel compelled to check both when investigating bombings. "It's killing time, manpower and resources," said one large-city bomb squad commander. "It's dysfunctional."

The agencies still run separate training academies and classes that are widely considered duplicative, even though two congressional committees also urged in 2004 that training be consolidated under the ATF.

"The FBI is doing the exact same classes that we are," one ATF agent said. "It's chest pounding -- we're better than they are, and they're better than we are."

Officials said they are trying to iron out the bomb data center issue and offer more training together.

Then there was the dogfight. When the Ashcroft memo came out in 2004, the ATF had been training bomb-sniffing dogs for more than a decade. The FBI didn't have a program.

In 2005, the FBI began training dogs to sniff out peroxide-based explosives. An FBI "white paper" sent to the deputy attorney general's office in early 2007 described how the program is superior to the ATF's peroxide training.

ATF officials, some of whom learned of the FBI initiative from the media, were so upset that they issued an order banning ATF-trained dogs from participating in the FBI program, according to the FBI document and law enforcement sources.

In a joint interview recently at FBI headquarters, top ATF and FBI officials vowed to work together, even if some in their ranks are determined to resist.

"We are two very proud agencies that have done tremendous work to protect the American public, and we do that with vim and vigor every day," said William J. Hoover, the ATF'sassistant director for field operations. "Anytime you have individuals who are that passionate about their job, if they feel they are somehow being encroached upon, rightly or wrongly, they are going to bring issues like this to the forefront."

"But we work cases together every day," Hoover added. "I really believe there's a lot more good going on."

J. Stephen Tidwell, an FBI executive assistant director, said conflicts can occur "when that pride in agency comes through, and all that is sometimes going to cause some friction. . . . But I would characterize the relationship right now as as good as it's ever been."

Joseph Persichini Jr., head of the FBI's Washington field office, said he works smoothly with his ATF counterparts. "There's no room for error," he said.

Even as the current leaders try to work in tandem, they are finding it hard to overcome their history.

A fierce dispute among the FBI, the ATF and the Department of Homeland Security has helped delay for nearly a year the national strategy to protect the United States from improvised explosive devices, or IEDs -- a top Bush administration priority. The president directed that the plan be ready by last July. It is unclear when it will be finished.

Sources said the ongoing negotiations over the ATF's role in the plan have become the latest framework for the broader FBI-ATF battle over control of explosives cases, along with conflicts within the ATF over how hard to fight the FBI.

"We are working through each and every [IED] issue that has been bogged down," Hoover said.

Tensions spilled out publicly when the Center for Strategic and International Studies held an IED conference in Washington in October. David Heyman, director of the center's homeland security program, said FBI and ATF agents clashed over who would be on the panel and exchanged sharp words during the conference.

"It was such bad blood that if either agency was going to be there, the other wasn't going to be," said Heyman, who threatened to cancel the conference.

There are still issues at even routine crime scenes. When a Liberty University student was arrested near Lynchburg, Va., last May with a homemade explosive device in his car the day before the Rev. Jerry Falwell's funeral, the ATF interviewed witnesses for two days before the FBI tried to take over, citing domestic terrorism, sources said. Supervisors worked it out, and the ATF kept the case.

Terry Gaddy, the local sheriff, said he was aware of the tension but tried to stay out of it. "It's not my fight; it's theirs," he said.

The lack of information-sharing can have potentially deadly consequences. In Chicago, an undercover ATF agent bought a loaded gun from an FBI informant and was arrested, according to a 2007 Justice Department inspector general's report.

The report quoted an FBI supervisor as saying he was "truly concerned" that FBI and ATF violent crime task forces are "seriously going to be duplicating" gang investigations. It said a top Justice official asked the two agencies to coordinate task forces, but they disagreed over who would lead them.

And a newer battle is emerging: tobacco smuggling. It is integral to the ATF's mission, but the FBI is interested because terrorists have used tobacco profits. Several times in recent months, sources said, the FBI put counterfeit cigarettes on the market and found an unknowing buyer: the ATF.

Some question whether the ATF can survive. "It just doesn't make sense to have two agencies . . . responding anytime a bomb goes off," one Justice Department official said.

Grassley said Congress might have to step in.

"Anybody who wants to be attorney general in fact as well as in name ought to end this yesterday," he said.

Staff writer Sari Horwitz contributed to this report.